Slightly more than one month into President Trump’s second term, Democrats have yet to figure out how to effectively counter him and make a compelling case to the public.
Indeed, despite the multitude of opportunities that Trump has handed Democrats, the party writ large appears unable to muster anything more than “procedural opposition” as M. Gessen described it.
To be sure, this is not a new problem, but it is an increasingly urgent one.
Since 2016, Democrats have spent more time opposing Donald Trump than they have developing and articulating a clear and compelling vision for the country.
As a result, voters have little idea what Democrats stand for, only who they stand against.
If Democrats hope to right the ship and regain at least one chamber of Congress next year — or the White House in three — they must begin with a messaging strategy that speaks to the issues voters care about: the economy, public safety and border security.
They should start with the primary reason Trump won last November, the economy.
Trump made Americans’ economic pessimism and anger over inflation a centerpiece of his campaign, convincingly portraying Democrats as the party of elites who were out of touch with everyday Americans.
Thus far, however, Americans do not feel Trump has delivered on his promises.
Only 39 percent of Americans approve of Trump’s handling of the economy, whereas a majority believe the economy is on the wrong track, per Ipsos polling. That is a significant opportunity for Democrats, but they must meet voters where they are.
They must explain to voters — in a way that avoids talking down to them — that Trump’s tariff policies and trade wars will exacerbate inflation and do nothing to improve people’s financial situation. More than that, Democrats must formulate and communicate their own concrete plans to cut inflation and increase access to job training or vocational schools.
In that same vein, Democrats must be strategic in how they attack the newly created Department of Government Efficiency.
The concept behind DOGE — that the federal government is wasteful, bloated and excessive — is backed by 59 percent of voters, according to Reuters-Ipsos polling.
Unsurprisingly, Americans believe that the government spends too much and is wildly inefficient, but there are genuine concerns here that Democrats can speak to.
Rather than objecting to every cut DOGE intends to make, or blindly vowing to fight the agency, as some did, Democrats should be selective. Framing DOGE’s efforts as threatening to individuals’ federal benefits is significantly more likely to be successful.
In fact, the same Reuters-Ipsos polling bears this out. Fifty-eight percent of Americans say they’re concerned their Social Security benefits or student loan payments could be affected by DOGE.
Speaking to those fears and presenting their own DOGE-type effort to reduce the size and scope of government that is more targeted, would be much more beneficial for Democrats than simply trying to defend an ever-expanding federal bureaucracy and federal budget.
To that end, Democrats would be wise to recognize that Americans want strong border security and do not want an uncontrolled flow of illegal migrants. Along with the economy, anger over President Biden’s handling of immigration was key to Trump’s victory.
There is a middle ground between supporting Trump’s more extreme policies — such as using the military to forcibly deport entire families — and the open border policies pushed by progressives.
Democrats need to make a compelling case that they too support a secure border and the removal of criminal migrants. Working with Republicans to advance commonsense immigration policies neutralizes the GOP’s weaponization of this critical issue.
Just as importantly, Democrats need to make their case in a way that resonates.
As Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear recently told Politico, they need to “start talking like real human beings” instead of using “sanitized language,” particularly on social issues.
The influence of elites and the progressive left has taken the Democratic Party far out of the mainstream on issues such as social justice, transgender rights, and more.
Ultimately, the 2024 election made it clear that Democrats’ oft-repeated appeals to the foundations of democracy and the threat Trump posed do not move voters.
Instead, voters want elected officials who get things done and improve their lives, and they believed Trump was better able to do this than Kamala Harris.
Effectively making a case to the contrary will require Democrats to understand that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) was wrong when he recently said what Americans most want from their party is to “beat Trump.”
What Americans really most want is a middle-class meritocracy strategy that is inclusive and promotes broad-based social uplifting of the American people, not an elitist party too consumed by its hatred for one man that it ignores the voters.
Frankly, if Democrats believe that voters will reward them simply for opposing Trump, rather than presenting their own alternative arguments, they will remain out of power for years, much like the period between 1980 and 1992, which was dominated by the Republican Party.
Then, in 1992, Former President Clinton, recognized that the party needed to reclaim the mantle on policies that Americans cared about.
That being said, Democrats will be unable to do so if they cannot articulate a competing agenda, one built on improving people’s economic situation and addressing key issues.
Pollster Douglas E. Schoen is a partner with the public opinion company Schoen Cooperman Research based in New York and co-author of the book, “America: Unite or Die.”
